By Dmitriy Belyanin
Introduction
By gradually converting to a
market structure, China has become the second largest economy, buoyed by the
world’s largest population, low labor costs, a weak currency, and lax environmental
regulations. Its slowdown, which began
in 2014, retards the global economy, particularly nations that sell it
oil. In Kazakhstan, the drop in global
oil prices weakened the tenge on the street, leading the National Bank to begin
floating the currency in August 2015.
Other Central Asian countries
also suffer from the Chinese slowdown, but to varying degrees. Uzbekistan and
Turkmenistan export less cotton and natural gas than they would have
otherwise. But remittance-dependent Tajikistan
lost more from the recession in Russia, which destroyed migrant jobs. Kyrgyzstan is hampered mostly by a drop in
exports to Kazakhstan, due to tenge depreciation.
Causes and dynamics of the economic slowdown in China
Some Communist and socialist
parties still portray China as a successful Marxist
economy. The first adjective is in less
dispute than the second. In 2003-7,
output (measured as real gross domestic product) grew more than 10% per year. Miraculously, both unemployment and inflation
have remained below 5% (except in 2007, when inflation reached 6.5%), according
to the October 2015 World Economic Outlook Database.
Exports drove the growth,
accounting for 36% of China’s GDP in 2006.
Low wages enable exporters to lower their prices. Some factories pay workers just a bit more
than the minimum wage, which averages $270 a month, less than one-fourth of
that of the United States. Labor
productivity in China rose by 11% from 2007 till 2012, which compares well with
some of the younger tigers (8% in Thailand and 7% in Indonesia). This surge in output per worker is all the
more remarkable because most labor in China is not still automated. The country
has only 30 robots per 10,000 manufacturing workers, as compared with 323 in
Japan. With its productive, cheap labor, China remains competitive in low-end
production; its share of global clothing exports rose from 42.6% in 2011 to
43.1% in 2013. And its tax breaks, cheap
land, and infrastructure attract investors who can finance its entry into
high-end markets.
But aging, rising expectations
of workers, and a slowdown in migration to the cities place China at a
disadvantage. It must compete with
countries that have young workers who settle for low pay. The age of the workforce of Southeast Asia
averages below 29.5; and the average factory worker’s salary of $27.5 per day
in China is well above $8.60 in Indonesia and $6.70 in Vietnam, reports the Economist.
One cause of Chinese aging is
the one-child policy that the government established in the late 1970s; the
typical couple could raise only one child.
Recognizing that this sharp fall in births raises the average age, China
relaxed its policy last October to two kids rather than one. Even so, the population is to fall by
2030. Today, a tenth of the population
is 65 or older, and the share is to rise to 20% by 2035, reports Chris Buckley
of the New York Times.
China must also cope with
lethal pollution. Around 300 Chinese
cities grossly failed air quality inspections in 2005. Over 1.6 million Chinese die per year from
toxic air. Pollution costs equal 6.5% of the value of annual production
(measured as GDP), according to a US think tank, the RAND Corporation. A fifth of China's soil is poisoned.
The government does fight
pollution, in moderation. It closed
2,500 small firms in Beijing and restricted the use of coal. It plans to improve air quality 10% by 2017,
reports Constance Gustke, of CNBC. This
won’t be cheap.
Thanks to overproduction,
overpopulation and pollution, the government encourages some enterprises to go
abroad. In 2013, the State Council of
China called for six leading industrial provinces to cut steel production by 80
million tons. In 2013, 214 Chinese workers went to Africa to build roads,
bridges, dams and power plants – a fourth of all workers going abroad for state
enterprises. Countries in the Eurasian
Economic Union, particularly Kazakhstan, may also host Chinese enterprises,
since they raised tariffs on Chinese exports, reports Tatiana Kaukenova of
Radiotochka. Chinese firms would come to Eurasia because they can sell at a
lower price by producing in the hosts than by exporting to them over the tariff
barrier.
Currency policy
The most visible sign of
change in China’s economy is its freeing of the exchange rate. China had two
exchange rates -- an official one used by the government, and a market-based
one used in foreign trade – until it unified them in 1994. China's central
bank, the People’s Bank, continued to undervalue the yuan, boosting exports and
holding down the dollar cost of labor, but it has strengthened it periodically
except when this was politically inopportune – for example, just before the G20
summit in Toronto in 2010. As economic
growth has tapered in the last few years, China has slowed appreciation. But
the renminbi remains undervalued, given the fundamentals of the Chinese
economy, writes Brendan Murray of Bloomberg.
To some extent, the yuan is a victim of the West. When
the US Federal Reserve cut back on its easy-money policy (quantitative easing),
the dollar became more scarce and valuable.
So it strengthened – and currencies in developing countries weakened by
comparison. China was no
exception. Over 2014, the yuan
depreciated until August, then rose. The
People’s Bank devalued it last August to 6.39 per dollar, prompting the
National Bank of Kazakhstan to let the tenge dive -- and allegedly braking the
global economy. In January, China devalued the yuan again, to 6.53, reported
Calum MacLeod of The Times of
London.
China’s
repeated devaluations threaten to launch a beggar-thy-neighbor war that could
destabilize the Third World. China has
hefty international reserves, so if it errs with an excessive devaluation, it
can easily undo it by selling dollars for yuan. But many more-indebted
countries have few dollars stashed away. If they go out on a limb by weakening
their currencies too much, then they may have to absorb the collateral damage,
especially inflation.
On the other hand, the yuan
may strengthen again in the months to come, since China has persuaded the
International Monetary Fund to include it in the basket of currencies that
determines the value of the Special Drawing Right, which the IMF uses in deals
with its 188 member countries. In
October the yuan will join the dollar, the euro, the yen and the pound sterling
in the basket, comprising 11% of it. This signals that the yuan is worth
holding as a reserve currency. China
qualified for the basket because it is one of the largest exporters and because
people use the yuan everywhere.
As a reserve currency, the
yuan may enable depositors to diversify risks, once banks begin to accept
deposits in the Chinese currency. This
is vital for Central Asia, which lacks well-developed securities markets. To encourage Kazakh depositors to seize this
opportunity, the National Bank should not set the interest rate on yuan
deposits too low.
In the long run, to sustain
the Yuan’s new status, the People's Bank needs a reasonable monetary policy.
The Bank would no longer peg the yuan to the dollar, or to any other currency,
in hopes of avoiding fluctuations. But
in the short run, China may justify devaluations as a way to restore economic
growth, at the cost of competing with its neighbors. We neighbors must
adjust.
And so must China. Historically, its exports to Central Asia
were seen as inferior. Now it must
improve its exports – or at least their reputation -- since it will lose the
low-price market to Vietnam and other emerging economies in Southeast
Asia.
Chinese measures
to pep up its economy
If the yuan strengthens for
long enough, Chinese exports and output may fall. Can Chinese government offset
this risk by encouraging spending? The
real challenge is to spur demand for industrial goods: Although retail sales
are up 11.2% since last year, industrial output rose only 6.2% -- almost a
crawl compared to China’s usual pace.
In fiscal policy, China has
launched a broad-based attack. The
government spent 25.9% more in November than it had a year earlier, reaching
1.61 trillion yuan ($248 billion). It’s flirting with a deficit, since
government revenues rose only 11.4%, to 1.11 trillion yuan. The government also subsidized new technologies
and equipment in industry and agriculture.
It intends to cut taxes and social security contributions. And it might abolish the benchmark rates for
deposits and loans, allowing actual rates to move freely, according to the Bloomberg
News.
The government also plans to
invest 1.65 trillion yuan ($254 billion) in road construction and 800 billion
yuan ($123 billion) in new railways. The
annual growth rate of spending on research and development will rise to 2.5%,
from 2%. And Beijing will launch projects in space exploration,
aero-engine production, robotics, hydropower, nuclear power, rail transit, and
underground pipelines, reports the Shanghai Daily.
By signaling its determination
to stimulate the economy, the government may pave the road to recovery. By the end of March, manufacturing was
improving, judging from the Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI), which tracks new
orders, inventory levels, production, supplier deliveries, and the employment
environment. A PMI over 50 signals
expansion. It was 50.2 for March,
breaking 50 for the first time since July, reports CNBC.
Economic slowdown
and instability in Central Asia
Meanwhile, Central Asia
stagnates. During 2015, all five of the
region’s economies slowed in growth.
Perversely, inflation rose in Kazakhstan and Tajikistan, estimated the
IMF World Economic Outlook Database.
Normally, when a lack of demand pulls down an economy, inflation will
fall because buyers are no longer pushing up prices.
The region’s ailing economies
have eviscerated its currencies. The National Bank of Kazakhstan defended the
tenge until last August, when the introduction of a floating exchange rate cut
the foreign purchasing power of a tenge substantially (given prices) virtually
overnight. In January 2015, the central
bank of Turkmenistan devalued the manat
sharply, raising its exchange rate for a dollar from 2.85 to 3.5, or 23%,
reported Novosti Turkmenistana. Since China is one of Turkmenistan’s
largest trading partners, its deceleration undoubtedly influenced the Turkmen
central bank. In other Central Asian economies, currencies were more stable,
but the tenge depreciation may reduce their exports. Table 1 illustrates exchange rate dynamics for
the yuan and the Central Asian currencies for 2014-2016.
Month
|
Chinese Yuan
|
Kazakhstani Tenge
|
Uzbek Soum
|
Kyrgyz Som
|
Turkmen Manat
|
Tajik Somoni
|
Jan-14
|
6.09816
|
152.942
|
2 197.15
|
49.2423
|
2.85
|
4.77457
|
Feb-14
|
6.10752
|
171.105
|
2 212.56
|
51.302
|
2.85
|
4.80128
|
Mar-14
|
6.14248
|
180.393
|
2 238.53
|
51.642
|
2.85
|
4.80391
|
Apr-14
|
6.16912
|
180.078
|
2 266.40
|
53.7062
|
2.85
|
4.83396
|
May-14
|
6.1633
|
180.435
|
2 278.76
|
52.521
|
2.85
|
4.90606
|
Jun-14
|
6.15735
|
181.432
|
2 294.68
|
52.1801
|
2.85
|
4.91888
|
Jul-14
|
6.16672
|
181.454
|
2 316.23
|
51.8354
|
2.85
|
4.94661
|
Aug-14
|
6.15638
|
180.129
|
2 335.99
|
52.0878
|
2.85
|
4.97668
|
Sep-14
|
6.14947
|
179.817
|
2 350.24
|
53.8382
|
2.85
|
4.98467
|
Oct-14
|
6.13762
|
179.323
|
2 360.42
|
54.7212
|
2.85
|
4.99676
|
Nov-14
|
6.13916
|
178.722
|
2 381.60
|
56.9327
|
2.85
|
5.04403
|
Dec-14
|
6.12971
|
180.405
|
2 399.16
|
57.9919
|
2.85
|
5.16669
|
Jan-15
|
6.13151
|
181.552
|
2 410.97
|
58.93
|
3.5
|
5.3117
|
Feb-15
|
6.14348
|
182.734
|
2 442.40
|
60.7978
|
3.5
|
5.4067
|
Mar-15
|
6.13209
|
182.924
|
2 447.52
|
61.9683
|
3.5
|
5.54586
|
Apr-15
|
6.09466
|
183.198
|
2 481.17
|
63.0785
|
3.5
|
6.02467
|
May-15
|
6.08405
|
183.933
|
2 492.16
|
58.949
|
3.5
|
6.27633
|
Jun-15
|
6.09098
|
183.637
|
2 526.83
|
59.7998
|
3.5
|
6.26108
|
Jul-15
|
6.09421
|
184.618
|
2 548.84
|
62.1186
|
3.5
|
6.2597
|
Aug-15
|
6.32329
|
206.412
|
2 573.20
|
62.4082
|
3.5
|
6.27105
|
Sep-15
|
6.35854
|
259.027
|
2 585.13
|
67.6557
|
3.5
|
6.35841
|
Oct-15
|
6.34162
|
273.852
|
2 615.55
|
68.8859
|
3.5
|
6.53246
|
Nov-15
|
6.36199
|
300.391
|
2 698.01
|
72.1299
|
3.5
|
6.65341
|
Dec-15
|
6.44807
|
321.151
|
2 760.55
|
75.8417
|
3.5
|
6.84923
|
Jan-16
|
6.56679
|
359.982
|
2 799.01
|
75.8746
|
3.5
|
7.36535
|
Feb-16
|
6.54857
|
356.232
|
2 828.90
|
74.7417
|
3.5
|
7.85712
|
Mar-16
|
6.50364
|
342.68
|
2 843.13
|
72.1511
|
3.5
|
7.8691
|
Source: OANDA Historical
Exchange Rates*
Table 1: Monthly average
exchange rates of the yuan and the Central Asian currencies to the dollar, from
January 2014 through March 2016
*OANDA is an internet subsidiary
of Olsen & Associates, a Zurich-based financial firm.
Though falling oil prices and
the Russian recession weakened the tenge, the yuan devaluation must have played
a starring role as well. But China’s
share of Kazakhstan’s exports is small as a share of Kazakh trade volume -- 11% for the first half of 2015. The corresponding figures for the European
Union and the Eurasian Economic Union were 56% and 10%, according to Kaznex
Invest.
When China devalued the yuan,
people expected it to import less oil than before. But in fact, oil imports for the first 10
months of 2015 increased 8.9%, to 275 million metric tons. In October 2015, oil imports were 8.8% lower
than in September but higher than in the previous October, reported Alex Brog
and Kathleen Tanzy, of Platt. Even in February 2016, oil imports were a fourth
higher than in the prior February, said Jenny Hsu of Market Watch.
Meanwhile, oil prices – and the tenge – kept falling for much of the period.
Natural gas, a key export of
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, was another story.
Chinese imports fell 3.7% to 12.8 million tons, year on year during the
first eight months of 2015. Demand for foreign gas fell because of a mild
winter, cheap oil, and a slight rise in Chinese extraction of gas, according to
Xieli Lee of ICIS.
Exporters of cotton from
Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Tajikistan were also unlucky. Chinese imports
halved in October 2015, compared with the prior October. And imports for August 2015 to August 2016
may drop by a third, from 1.8 million tons to 1.2 million tons, reported
Bloomberg.
Since remittances, mainly from
Russia, are nearly half of Tajikistan’s GDP, the Chinese slowdown may not
affect the region’s poorest country so severely. More worrying is Chinese competition: In
exporting aluminum, Tajikistan must vie with the country that supplies half of
the world’s supply of that metal, at the lowest prices since the global
financial crisis began, reported ProFinance Service.
China’s relationship with
Kyrgyzstan is also lopsided – and the lop is growing. China sells 61% of Kyrgyzstan’s imports, but
only 2% of its own imports come from the Kyrgyzstanis. Both Kyrgyzstan’s imports from China and Kyrgyzstan’s
exports to China rose sharply over 2015, by 86% and 109% respectively, said the
Kyrgyz Ministry of Economy. But
depreciations of the ruble and the tenge hinder Kyrgyz producers in competing
for China’s business – and the low-income country suffers from the sharp elbows
of its Central Asian neighbors. The “Khorgos” market on the Chinese-Kazakhstani
border, in a free trade zone, enables Kazakhstanis to import from China cheaply
and re-export at profit to Kyrgyzstan.
Such keen competition may help explain why Kyrgyzstanis go bankrupt in
such food markets as poultry, butter, rice and flour. According to the Kyrgyz National Committee on
Statistics, the country exported $1.3 billion of goods in 2015 -- but imported
$3.7 billion, with a rise likely this year.
The picture for Kyrgyzstan is
not all bleak. Inflation did fall from 10.5% in 2014 to 10.1% in 2015, said the
IMF. The increase in 2014 inflation from
its lowest recent rate of 4%, in 2013, stemmed from depreciation of the som from 49.2 per dollar at the end of
2013 to 58 a year later, a rise of 18%. Depreciation
was even higher in 2015 -- the som was
75.8 in December; but the tailspin in national demand, due to reduced
remittances from Russia, may have snipped away at inflation. The same could be said of Uzbekistan.
Compared to resource-dependent
Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan is much more self-sufficient in textile and agricultural
production, and it is much less affected by events in China. As for Uzbekistan, official inflation has
been slowing since 2011, despite currency depreciation. Since the central bank controls the official
exchange, the relationship between inflation and exchange rates there may be
atypical. Having a relatively closed
economy, Uzbekistan may have been less affected by increases in import prices
due to depreciation of its soum. Weakening of the ruble and tenge made
Uzbekistani imports much cheaper.
Tables 2 and 3 illustrate the
dynamics of real GDP and inflation for China and the five Central Asian
countries for 2013-2016, including projections and forecasts.
Country
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015P
|
2016F
|
China
|
7.685
|
7.300
|
6.813
|
6.300
|
Kazakhstan
|
6.000
|
4.300
|
1.501
|
2.355
|
Kyrgyz Republic
|
10.534
|
3.603
|
1.996
|
3.636
|
Tajikistan
|
7.400
|
6.700
|
3.000
|
3.400
|
Turkmenistan
|
10.193
|
10.322
|
8.522
|
8.869
|
Uzbekistan
|
8.000
|
8.100
|
6.800
|
7.000
|
P- projected, F-forecasted
Source: IMF October 2015 World
Economic Outlook Database
Table 2: Dynamics of real GDP growth in China and Central Asia, % (2013-2016)
Country
|
2013
|
2014
|
2015P
|
2016F
|
China
|
2.500
|
1.500
|
1.800
|
1.800
|
Kazakhstan
|
4.800
|
7.430
|
9.000
|
8.000
|
Kyrgyz Republic
|
3.970
|
10.475
|
10.067
|
7.781
|
Tajikistan
|
3.707
|
7.360
|
11.694
|
6.507
|
Turkmenistan
|
4.002
|
4.228
|
4.681
|
7.300
|
Uzbekistan
|
10.238
|
9.809
|
9.066
|
9.535
|
P- projected, F-forecasted
Source: IMF October 2015 World
Economic Outlook Database
Table 3: Dynamics of inflation
in China and Central Asia, % (2013-2016)
Consequences of
China’s anti-crisis measures
China’s anti-crisis measures
should help other countries as well. The
New Silk Road can improve its trade with partners and benefit Central Asia,
including countries not on this trading route.
But the benefits of the Chinese policy are limited.
First, it deals mainly with
the short run – but China’s economic woes in the long run are even more
severe. To overcome the dilemma of an
aging population, the two-child policy may require decades.
Second, acceleration of
economic growth in China is not a panacea for Central Asia. It would spur the region’s
economies, but it would not raise singlehandedly the prices of oil, natural gas
and cotton to their pre-crisis levels. Many other factors would figure in --
the effects of sanctions relief on Iran, the smuggling of oil by ISIL, the recession
in Russia, and the disruption of trade due to Russian embargos on the European
Union and Turkey. Agreements by oil
exporting countries to restrict crude extraction will not restore the initial
prices of petroleum since the pacts cannot be enforced. Central Asian economies must diversify.
Third, economic growth incurs
costs. Even if China enforces measures to reduce pollution, they probably won’t
work. Remnants of Communist ideology
make unlikely such market policies as transferable permits. (In this approach, polluters buy permits from
firms that that can avoid pollution cheaply, thus lowering the overall cost of
abatement.) But China will use more
natural gas, a clean fuel replacing coal and oil – good news for Turkmenistan
and Uzbekistan, if not for Kazakhstan.
The overall effect on
Kazakhstan of China’s anti-crisis policy is ambiguous. Consider the relocation
of Chinese enterprises to Kazakhstan. This may benefit Chinese manufacturers,
since weakening of the tenge cuts the yuan value of salaries. But the effects of the relocation on
Kazakhstan are mixed: It will diversify the economy but increase
pollution. Most Kazakhstanis will accept
the new environmental conditions, since the country is too small to argue with
China. Protests probably will not be massive enough to change
policy – unless the land-lease furor of the past few weeks is a harbinger.
In the long run, increases in
manufacturing exports may enable Kazakhstan to rely less on farm exports and thus
to diversify. This would also expand the domestic food supply, lowering food
prices at home.
Conclusions
The economy of China enjoyed
export-led growth for several decades. But weakening of the European economy
has cut demand for Chinese goods in the short run. Long-run prospects for China are
brighter: Low labor costs, a large
working-age population, political stability, and an undervalued national
currency encourage outsourcing to China.
Indeed, this helped it to avoid a substantial decline in output during
the global financial crisis of 2008-9.
But aging of the population and increasing dissatisfaction of laborers
induce many companies to outsource elsewhere.
By including the yuan in its
basket for evaluating Special Drawing Rights, the IMF has underwritten the
currency. But its devaluation hinders
exports by other countries and forces them to devalue. In Central Asia, Kazakhstan had the largest
depreciation, which stoked inflation.
Large countries will pressure China to strengthen the yuan; so Chinese
growth, when restored, will likely be less oriented than before towards
exports. Nevertheless, China must
improve its exports if it is to remain competitive with Southeast Asia
countries that have cheaper labor.
In order to grow again, China
has undertaken measures that will benefit the rest of the world, such as
reducing pollution by substituting natural gas for oil and coal. This will stimulate gas exporters like
Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan. But renewed economic growth in China will not be
enough to restore Central Asian economies to pre-crisis levels, since such
factors as the relief for Iran from sanctions and the smuggling of oil by ISIL
also decreased the prices of petroleum, natural gas and cotton. Central Asian
economies should diversify.
China is likely to relocate
some enterprises soon to Kazakhstan, creating diversification but also
pollution here. Unwilling to lose the benefit
of good relations with its neighbors, Kazakhstan will most likely accept these
environmental costs. Allowing longer Chinese
rents of farmland, however, is an even less popular policy. President Nazarbayev has declared a
moratorium, and he will have to face heated debates and protests before
deciding for good.
Notes
Marc Labonte and Wayne
Morrison (2016) of the US Congressional Research Service analyze recent trends
in China’s exchange rate.
Platts is a global provider of
information on energy, petrochemicals, metals and agriculture.
ICIS provides information
about the petrochemical market.
Dmitriy Belyanin
has a Master’s degree of Business Administration in Finance and a Bachelor of
Arts degree in Economics from KIMEP University.
Since 2007, he has been writing on issues in economics and finance
ranging from stock markets to environmental economics. He is the associate
editor of this blog.
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