The Russian economy is a tragedy leavened with tyranny. The economy collapsed along with the Soviet Union after 1991; see Figure 2 below. From 1990 to 1998, the economy shrank 43%, adjusting for inflation and changes in the exchange rate. Such contractions are rare in modern economies, but the operative word is “modern.” Russian income did not return to its Soviet level until just before the global financial crisis of 2008. Then it collapsed again, by 8.5% in one year…and again in the pandemic year, by 2.7%…and again at the beginning of its invasion of Ukraine, by 2.2%.
The pandemic and war declines were modest, compared to
those of the Soviet disruption and the 2008 financial shock. And Figure 2 does
not show Russia’s workaround Western sanctions on oil in 2023. But while it has
generally grown since 2008, its pace is much slower than in the catch-up decade
before. The pace was 9.5% per year from
1998 to 2008; and only 1.8% from 2009 to 2022. Today, the flight of technicians
from a draft into the Ukraine war undermines Russia’s quest to regain its
technological superiority of the 1950s, of the Sputnik years.
The Russian economy is not falling apart, but it is
deeply troubled. Russia has little to offer other than oil and arms.
Population decline aggravates the economic malaise
(see Figure 1). While growth in the world population is slowing down, the world
populace is still growing. Not in Russia. The population declined 3.5% from
1997 to 2008 – that is, throughout the ruble crisis – and since then has
stagnated at a level of 144 million. Why?
Figure 4 shows the fertility rate, the number of
births per woman. It has fallen for two thirds of a century. So it is not just a problem of the
transition, although the decline was especially sharp right after the breakup
of the Soviet Union. The conventional
fertility rate needed to sustain the population is around 2.6, the replacement
rate. Going back to 1960, at least,
it has never been that high in Russia. But the right replacement rate depends
on the infant death rate. The more babies that die, the more babies we need to
replace them to keep the population from shrinking. The infant death rate
varies widely across countries, and not just because of income. What’s the
right replacement rate for Russia?
The answer doesn’t just pop out of the World
Development Indicators of the World Bank. The Indicators include “wanted”
fertility rates for only a few countries.
The best of these for Russia seems to be Peru’s, so I include it in
Figure 4. You can see that the shortfall in births is even larger when we use
this more precise replacement rate.
The point is that Russia’s population is shrinking largely
because Russian women don’t want babies.
Is this because they seek sober husbands, or careers of their own?
Slamming the brakes on spending
The dark trends in income and population must affect consumption. Russia is an upper-middle income country, like Kazakhstan. Their average incomes are similar: 27,584 international dollars for 2017 in Russia; 26,093 for Kazakhstan. (A 2017 international dollar adjusts for inflation and changes in exchange rates to show how many things can be bought at 2017 prices.) But over the long run, Russians spend far more of an additional dollar than Kazakhstanis do: .84 in Russa, but only .65 in Kazakhstan. The implied marginal propensity to save is only .16 in Russia and .35 in Kazakhstan. Here, we interpret saving as including the forced saving of tax payments as well as private saving.
The higher rate of saving an additional dollar in Kazakhstan partly reflects Asian habits of saving. Why do Asians save more? Interesting question.
Over the long run, Russians spend more like
Americans, even slightly more. The marginal propensity to consume in the US
over the long run is .82; in Russia, .84.
The Russian newfound fondness for spending may result from 30 years of
Western marketing in the land of Stalin.
But more remarkable is that in the short run, the
Russian consumes far less of a dollar than the American: .48 versus .82 (see Table
2). Perhaps lingering constraints on markets limit what the Russian can buy
right away. She must plan her spending over time. Thus she saves in the short
run and spends in the long.
In the hypothetical case of zero income, the Russians
would save (not spend) nearly 200 billion international dollars per year,
perhaps by lending to future consumers (see Table 1). This is consistent with the idea that
Russians must plan their spending over time because of skimpy markets.
Instantaneous gratification is not an option. Even Macdonald’s is gone.
In short, Russia is not a developing economy, but
neither is it a developed one. –Leon Taylor,
Baltimore tayloralmaty@gmail.com
Table 1: Marginal propensity to consume in Russia over
the long run
R
Square |
0.908 |
|
||||||||
Standard
Error |
7.6E+10 |
|
||||||||
Observations |
33 |
|||||||||
ANOVA |
||||||||||
|
df |
SS |
MS |
F |
Signif. F |
|||||
Regression |
1 |
1.77E+24 |
1.77E+24 |
305.293 |
1.33E-17 |
|||||
Residual |
31 |
1.79E+23 |
5.78E+21 |
|||||||
Total |
32 |
1.94E+24 |
|
|
|
|||||
|
Coefficients |
T-Stat |
P-Val |
Lower 95% |
Upper 95% |
|
||||
Intercept |
-1.9E+11 |
-3.480 |
0.002 |
-3E+11 |
-7.9E+10 |
|
||||
GDP |
0.836 |
17.473 |
0.000 |
0.739 |
0.934 |
|
||||
R
Square |
0.974 |
|||||||||
Standard
Error |
4.07E+10 |
|||||||||
Observations |
33 |
|||||||||
ANOVA |
||||||||||
|
df |
SS |
MS |
F |
Signif. F |
|||||
Regression |
2 |
1.89E+24 |
9.47E+23 |
571.310 |
0.000 |
|||||
Residual |
30 |
4.97E+22 |
1.66E+21 |
|||||||
Total |
32 |
1.94E+24 |
|
|
|
|||||
|
Coefficients |
T-Stat |
P-Val |
Lower 95% |
Upper 95% |
|
||||
Intercept |
-4.4E+09 |
-0.121 |
0.905 |
-7.8E+10 |
6.95E+10 |
|
||||
GDP |
0.482 |
10.125 |
0.000 |
0.385 |
0.579 |
|
||||
Time |
1.22E+10 |
8.837 |
0.000 |
9.39E+09 |
1.5E+10 |
|
||||
Figure 1: Russian population, 1990-2022
Figure 3: Russian fertility rate, 1960-2021; and Peru
wanted fertility rate, 1986-2012
Notes
For useful comments, I thank but do not implicate
Annabel Benson.
All data are from The World Bank, www.worldbank.org
The data in the tables are from the World
Bank’s World Development Indicators for 1990 through 2022. GDP is gross
domestic product. Time gives the number of years that have passed since 1990,
where Time = 1 for 1990. Consumption is personal consumption expenditures. GDP
and Consumption are expressed in 2017 international dollars, using purchasing
power parity.
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